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14 December 2024

ESTRANGED MATHIAS NSAMBA MPUUGA FLEES NUP IN A LEAKING VESSEL

In the end there was no fight as had been anticipated, at least going by the public rhetoric's, living up to the old adage, “When you can’t stand the heat, leave the kitchen”. Like the sudden collapse of Bashar al-Assad, the former president of Syria for thirty-four years, who fled without the tough fight many expected particularly for the capital Damascus, Mathias Nsamba Mpuuga last week fled from the National Unity Platform (NUP) party and announced intentions to found his own political ensemble, Democratic Alliance (DA). Mpuuga, recently estranged from the NUP, an opposition political party he says he helped form in 2020, and has been its vice president for Buganda, launched DA, a new party many see as tribal and a stillbirth, with a journey to nowhere. But hard as it might be, we can still give Mpuuga and his new crew of Lubega Mukaaku, Michael Mabbikke and Dr Abed Bwanika, all checkered political journeymen, a slight benefit of the doubt although for now they are crowded out by the noises from the ongoing melodrama over Kizza Besigye’s trial at the Military Court Martial. With a dejected demeanor, Mpuuga rumbled on while castigating the Robert Kyagulanyi NUP leadership for exhibiting dictatorial and undemocratic tendencies of not permitting the freedom of independent thought and initiatives, where only the boss’s views, perhaps more like a drug lord, takes the day without debate. He also accused Kyagulanyi and his close crew of being mere opportunists and economic fortune hunters not interested in broader democratic rights. The choice of venue, a little-known Malibu Gardens in Bakuli, Lubaga Division, for the launch of the so-called Democratic Alliance, an imitation of what failed John Patrick Amama Mbabazi’s presidential bid in 2016 didn’t help lift its profile in the media. Mpuuga’s fallout with NUP stems from the controversial 500 million he received as then Leader of Opposition in Parliament (LoP) hardly a year into office which his colleagues saw as irregular, if fact called it a bribe, and demanded he returns but he clung to it forcing them to evict him as LoP and also got suspended as vice president for Buganda region. Since then Mpuuga has faced a barrage of bad publicity getting rolled in political mud and his attempts to win favour with his so-called Electoral Reform Bill fell on scotched ground and its life in parliament is uncertain after NUP publicly distanced itself from seeing it as a fishing expedition in a leaking vessel. Already, NUP, PPF a runaway outfit from FDC led by Erias Lukwago and a host of other minor parties have taken a Buganda tribal slant, and it is hard to see how DA with Mpuuga, Mukaaku, Mabbikke and Bwanika by their own political and ideological outlooks as we know them, will cobble a working formula beyond the Buganda enclave. While it is still early, it remains unlikely that Mpuuga and TDA can inflict much damage on NUP even within its current wave-like hold in Buganda or indeed cause any significant political realignment in Uganda as we head to the 2026 general elections. And rather than join the other existing opposition parties of DP, UPC, FDC, ANT, that all claim to seek the removal of NRM and President Yoweri Museveni, Mpuuga has instead chosen to give them a vote of no confidence. How much cream, and dregs, DA will gather along its path is hard to tell for now. He, together with Mabbikke, Medard Segona, Lulume Bayiga and Lukwago were among the former ‘Young Democrats’ and later Suubi, a Ganda ethnocentric outfit linked to Mengo that tried in futility to wrestle DP from Norbert Mao but fled into different political camps towards the 2021 elections.

By Ofwono Opondo
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30 November 2024

KIZZA BESIGYE KIFEFE AGAIN ON A FOOLISH TRAITORS ERRANDS

A week is a long time. Many political pundits, and probably even Kizza Besigye, despite his public rattling had written himself off as no longer of any serious significance in Uganda’s future political equation. Then, he ‘disappears’ from a Nairobi hotel in Nairobi, only a few days later to be arraigned before Uganda’s military Court Martial in Makindye on charges of possessing two pistols. From the grapevines, he was also an errand contriving a plot to buy arms including war-grade drones from underworld dealers, so he could bring down the presidential plane and military helicopters. His main objective is to change the government of Uganda by force of arms, accusations he faced before in the courts of law, but was acquitted for lack of credible evidence. But even if the courts acquit him again, Besigye must face the harshest public rebuke if these accusations bear any merit. His people, led by wife, the high-flying Winnie Karangwa Byanyima, in a dejected, but calculated low tone, breaks the news, designedly calling it a kidnap to invoke public sympathy. His surrogates fall in line to drum up the narrative dousing flame in an increasing media crescendo which will be short-lived. Yet by own public confession, Byanyima says Besigye was lured into a hotel away from the official engagements at Martha Karua’s book launch, akin to dodging a high-level conference only to get mugged in a brothel! Byanyima, falsely praised as a rule of law, and Human Rights advocate, rather than let the rules play out in the courts, has instead, launched political appeals to President Yoweri Museveni to save Besigye. It would be very foolish of Besigye 68, tried and defeated many times on multiple fronts to engage in armed rebellion. With his politics and popularity in the twilight, many doubt he can succeed, let alone find a foothold on Ugandan soil. But as a known commercial political entrepreneur, who has solicited, and heavily relied on foreign money, he could be hoodwinking gullible audiences to continue dolling to his lost causes. Fighting for political space, Besigye has publicly questioned Robert Kyagulanyi’s authenticity as an opposition leader in a futile effort to win back the anti-Museveni coalition. Both are a feather of greedy political entrepreneurs who thrive in misleading Ugandans into criminal schemes, for selfish benefits, the reason Besigye cannot give up even after many defeats. It’s isn’t Besigye’s first in subversion. There was a trail of him, after he lost the 2001 presidential election, when he formed the PRA, which domiciled in DRC’s restive Ituri region, but was promptly smashed in Pandora by the UPDF under Gen. Kale Kayihura’s command. Many got killed or captured injured but alive, returned to Uganda, prosecuted, pleaded guilty, but later pardoned under a general amnesty. Among these were my three friends Dennis Mulindwa (RIP), and lawyers Sam Okiring (RIP), and Lt. Col. Vincent Tumwesigye Bakarweha still in the UPDF. A medical doctor who survived, later fled to Sweden where he lives to-date, but occasionally returns to Uganda still carrying shrapnel in his body. The link of UPDF renegades Lt. Col. Anthony Kyakabale, Col. Samson Mande, and Col. Edison Muzoora is well documented. Besigye fled to exile in South Africa but returned in December 2005, and has refused to rule out armed rebellion to change government. In 2001, he sent his political aide James Opoka to join Joseph Kony’s LRA where he died in a power struggle. But Besigye and Byanyima denied that Opoka had joined rebellion, and on one public radio talk-show insisted they knew his whereabouts but to-date haven’t disclosed. And Ugandans don’t even have to stretch their minds over the so-called walk-to-work violent protests that rocked Kampala between 2011-2015 as Besigye and FDC received funding from foreign countries including Omar Bashir’s Sudan to topple President Museveni.

By Ofwono Opondo
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23 November 2024

PDM, EMYOOGA, NAADS, OWC ENTANDIKWA: WARNING SHOTS TO NRM LEADERSHIP

President Yoweri Museveni’s ongoing countrywide political assessment and mobilisation for the Parish Development Model (PDM) as NRM’s 2021-26 flagship program is good as it kicks energy, and unearthing pitfalls of policy in wealth creation and rural economic transformation agenda of the last thirty-eight years. Entandikwa, Naads, OWC, Emyooga and now PDM, while correct, genuine, necessary programs that have scored successes, have faced the same problems starting with poor, and often compromised selection of the beneficiaries. These flagship programs have over the years been riddled by the noncompliance with regulations, set guidelines and standards. The responsible officials often supply substandard inputs and late delivery to farmers when the planting season is running out. There has also been inadequate or irregular funding, and lack of diligent supervision along the value-chain characterised by endemic corruption, yet we haven’t learnt much to correct the malaise. With all the boastfulness that NRM is an enlightened vanguard mass-party, one would expect its popularly elected leaders at the most critical levels at the village, parish, sub-county, parliamentary constituency and district to put good efforts, but alas. The leaders are often absent to guide the population, except when they too are directly benefiting. Many of them, including ministers, MPs, and other leaders will troupe down to President Museveni’s functions to show cosmetic appearances, cris-crossing the event venue, and elbowing each other for photo opportunities with the president. This is how petty some of them have become, completely devoid of any embarrassments. With a huge, but unserious and unfocused political bureaucracy, the NRM is still struggling to fine-tune its own policy formulation, implementation, funding, monitoring and supervision to deliver the desired economic outcomes. By the latest official statistics, and our own public admissions, many Ugandans are still trapped in undeniable and evident poverty of want for the common essentials of life. Although the numbers have gone up, universal education school enrollment and completion rates don’t match up well, literacy and numeracy are disappointing, and critical skills attainment is wanting. Twenty-seven years of implementation of the Universal Primary Education (UPE), no district, most of them led by NRM has bothered to enact a bye-law on education, and as a result, have left laxity and negligence to impede its success. It is coming to forty good solid years of NRM’s relatively unchallenged hold, and overwhelming dominance in political and public policy space, yet the results of its foremost agenda of socio-economic transformation is mostly mixed, if not evidently disappointing although many NRM leaders will be shy to admit publicly. It is time that NRM leaders conduct a thorough and sustained self-introspection on many fronts, if we don’t want to end up in the history dung-heap like the Uganda Peoples’s Congress (UPC), KANU (Kenya).and UNIP (Zambia), or where the African National Congress (ANC) (South Africa) seem destined for. For some time now, I have received quiet blowbacks from sections of NRM and government leaders with timid minds, and infertile ideological outlook, afraid that open and frank criticism, although a correct foundations of NRM, is now unhealthy because it exposes the lackluster methods of work. NRM’s agenda has always been correct, noble, and genuine, but conception, planning, funding, execution, implementation, supervision and monitoring have been half-hazard, inadequate, and sometimes deliberately distorted through abuse and corruption. This abuse has consequently led to mixed results, often much to embarrassments, considering the thirty-eight years of NRM leadership most of which in an unchallenged dominance in policy making and setting its own priorities. The nascent, but rising chaotic noise of a perennially unserious and ever tiny opposition, both in and outside parliament has in the recent past been able to drown, disorient, derail, and sometimes even defeat NRM’s noble agenda. It is truly hard to comprehend, that which, is left of the NRM, but possibly mainly careerism and selfishness.

By Ofwono Opondo
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16 November 2024

POLITICAL LIES AGAINST MUSEVENI: REFLECTION OF A VANQUISHED OPPOSITION HANGING ON A STRAW

The debate, now settled in Parliament, with Mityana Municipality MP Francis Zzake, lying flat, back on the floor, after abrawl, to mainstream the Coffee Development Authority (UCDA) back to the Agriculture ministry has once again exposed a vanquished political opposition hanging to a straw. Uganda's opposition groups and leaders especially since NRM's advent in 1986, have sought to build their collective careers, on naked and untenable lies particularly against President Yoweri Museveni. It's sad, but probably an indictment on NRM's failure to deepen a progressive ideology and politics. It's truly absurd, that these lies are being picked up with gusto by young rising politicians in DP, UPC, FDC, and NUP, mostly under forty years, successful yet spew and circulate venom on social media unabated. It all started four decades ago 1983 when then President, Milton Obote, facing heat from Museveni's armed rebellion, labelled him a Rwandese refugee, who had taken undue advantages of Uganda's hospitality. The old political elites especially from DP, then accused Museveni of being a Marxist-Communist who intended to abolish private property, and even women would be shared, a hollow scare to Ugandans not to support him. DP tongue-waggers have spent the last 38 years haranguing, without any proof, NRM's political education in Kyankwazi as communist indoctrination. During the Constituent Assembly that debated and promulgated the 1995 Constitution, remnants of DP and UPC conjured up new lies, among them that Museveni intended to 'steal' land in Buganda, Lango, Teso and Acholi, a lie the collective opposition continue to circulate with varying degrees of hyperbole to score cheap political points, without any sense of shame.. UPC and DP surrogates led by Paulo Kawanga Ssemwogere, Cecilia Atim Ogwal, Yafesi Okullo-Epak, John Ssebaana Kizito now dead, and Ben Wacha, Daniel Omara Atubo, Damiano Lubega and others raved those lies to gain votes in the 1996 elections. They also accused Museveni of having 'sold' the entire Lake Victoria although to-date haven't disclosed the alleged buyers. During the 2001 general election, a super liar, Aggrey Siryoyi Awori, a presidential candidate, and his official agent Jacob Oulanyah, lied to Ugandans that the DRC government under Joseph Desire Kabila had captured 114 UPDF soldier's as Prisoners of War (PoW) but couldn't prove when challenged. A verification through the UN and International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) found no merits in the claims, but Awori didn't recount and eventually went to his grave with the falsehoods. Dr Olaara Otuunu, brand new from two decades in exile said publicly without shame that Museveni had 'sold' Lake Kyoga. It was his shallow attempt to woo voters in Lango, but was rejected because he was part of the Acholi military-cum-civilian junta that overthrew UPC II government on 27 July 1985 in their internal ethnic warfare for an aborted supremacy. The open lies told by Kizza Besigye, an NRM turncoat, and many of his now erstwhile sidekicks in the Reform Agenda and FDC, since 1999-2001 to-date, pursuing a yet unfulfilled ambition to be president of Uganda, are too many to list here. But we are comforted that majority Ugandan voters haven't bought into many of his lies which, appear to blunt his political aggressiveness. Mengo establishment, a foremost recipient of President Museveni's mega handouts that ought to be his ally, is running false storylines of receiving cold shoulders instead. Mengo exhibits ungratefulness even after Museveni, Amidist opposition in most parts of Uganda, reinstated its cultural institution, privileges, leadership and expansive estates that Obote dismantled in 1966, destroyed and confiscated what remained, as Kabaka Edward Muteesa fled into exile in Britain, where he died a lonely man in 1969. As a footnote, fickle John Ken Lukyamuzi the Man, perennial Secretary General of the Conservative Party (CP) accused Museveni of selling off Mabira forest until his political end came on its own.

By Ofwono Ofondo
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02 November 2024

IMPEACHED KENYA VP GACHAGUA: A POLITICAL SKUNK WITH A TOUGH SPIRIT

It is often said that in politics, it is not over until it is over. Kenyan MPs, Senators and other architects of the impeachment of VP Geoffrey Rigathi Gachagua are now discovering that removing him from office will not be an easy walk in the park. Gachagua failed twenty-nine times to have courts halt his impeachment. After resoundingly impeaching him in what many observers see as shambolic in supersonic speed, laced with flimsy, malicious, and unproven accusations driven by viciousness, Gachagua is proving he is probably a political skunk with a tough spirit which when provoked, emits strong offensive odour to scatter his pursuers. A throbbing headache must be rocking President William Ruto’s State House and other corridors of power after an impeached VP’s ghost has refused to go down silently, and is instead kicking back violently, threatening to drag many down with him. It is an unenviable situation President Ruto finds himself considering that Kenya has not fully recovered from the GenZ demonstration and the violent crackdown that forced government to back-peddle on the controversial Finance Bill. After the political drama in the National Assembly and Senate, even seasoned lawyers, seemed to have forgotten that the next battlefield would be at the High, and Appeal and Supreme Courts in twists and turns whose final outcome could take much longer than anticipated. While President Ruto had fourteen days within which to name Gachagua’s replacement, he instead chose three hours, and parliament sat within fifteen minutes sidestepping the sixty days granted by the constitution to approve Prof. Kithure Kindiki, shortcuts, challenged in Kenyan courts of law. Looking at recent political trends in Kenya, including the aborted Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) between Uhuru Kenyatta and Raila Odinga which took four years in the courts, Gachagua’s ouster could run much longer unless he loses the appetite for legal battles if defeated at the High Court. It appears that the architects of the impeachment imagined that once they piled false, embarrassing, horrendous, and unverified allegations of corruption, theft and political malfeasance, no reasonable person, let alone a politician, would stand strong to be dragged through the sewers. Their calculations must have been that Gachagua would flee, which partly explains the fake apology and resignation letters that were circulated yet he showed up in the Senate as the impeachment process was underway. The unverified accusation of amassing one hundred business companies, huge tracks of prime land from Nyeri to Nairobi, accumulation of five billion Kenyan shillings, and stealing from his dead brother, were so ignominious, possibly aimed at breaking Gachagua’s human spirit but which he has withstood. Gachagua’s impeachment is reminiscent of the 1997-98 censure of ministers Jim Katugugu Muhwezi and Sam Kahamba Kutesa in the 6th parliament mostly by novices who, at the time did not even know them that much, led by Okwir Rwabwoni and Emmanuel Dombo respectively, but being fed on falsehoods by disgruntled Winnie Byanyima and Maj. John Kazoora. Although with hyperbole, Okwir and Dombo even without being cross-examined by lawyers, looked so shallow on the facts they presented on the floor of parliament, but were somehow believed, more like what Kenyan MP Eckomas Mwengi Mutuse found himself last week while prosecuting Gachagua. Today, that scenario is being replayed over the coffee debate in parliament, making one conclude that politicians enjoying parliament and senate floors are probably the same, often looking stupid poodles, although never ashamed of their false accusations, usually easy for one skunk with courage and facts to scatter them. Gachagua’s shambolic impeachment, removal of legal entitlements and privileges like transport and security looks so panicky, rushed, and smirks political witch-hunt against a poodle, that only yesterday barked for President Ruto, ought to be given a treat, and not smash its head.

By Ofwono Ofondo
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19 October 2024

NEGATIVE AND CHEAP TALK ON GOVERNMENT ACHIEVEMENTS; THE FAILURE IN COMMUNICATION

One year to the next general elections, and government finds itself in running shadow boxing with critics who trash its achievements often without substance, but causing substantial damage locally and internationally. And when the crisis hits, hard, some of the critics become turncoats, silenced and co-opted at huge costs, at which point, fortune hunters also come, posturing as the problem solvers, but often do a conman job at heavy budgets, and disappear in thin air. Over the years government has failed, refused or not found the need to proactively plan, provide consistent and adequately fund its communication strategy and platforms, a sector many governments today give priority because it is the era of new media and digital revolution, and ‘war’ theatre as it provides easy, fast and cost-effective access to multiple audiences. The government flatfoot has ignored its communication including the directorate of information, Uganda Media Centre, national broadcaster UBC, and the various communication platforms in ministries, and agencies to a peril, unable to fight back disinformation, misinformation, fake news, and toxic narratives deliberately being driven with malicious intent. There has been an endless lamentation that Agriculture and health are paid the least priority, yet by the most current data they score highly in the success stories in food production like maize, milk, grains, sugar, eggs, and rising life expectancy, declining infant and maternal mortalities. Many people also claim that Uganda is rated poorly by the superficial outsiders on democracy, yet at every election circle has one of the highest voter turnouts, number of candidates participating for each electoral position, and highest attrition rate for incumbents. Even the highest in government, well-connected and with money like a vice president, and senior ministers, have often felled at the feet of political novices. Save for Kampala’s potholed roads and dirty environment, mainly due to mismanagement and corruption, Ugandans like to mourn poor energy and economy, yet figures show that Uganda enjoys the lowest inflation, debt to GDP ratio, and a more favourable balance of trade in the region. Comparatively, Uganda’s attraction of FDI, tourism, and entry through Entebbe International airport has been consistently on the rise since Covid-19 restrictions were ended in 2022, yet Ugandans including MPs shout comparing infrastructural costs with some neighbours often without any iota of shame. Things are not any better over governance, security, and corruption perception index when the IGG’s reports are alarmist, often without context as recently claimed that Uganda’s daily loss due to corruption stands at 25bn, yet it bundled together factors delays occasioned by absenteeism, bureaucracy, litigation, contract reviews, and lack of due diligence. The common mind is made to be falsely believe that trillions are lost through direct theft by individuals. There is also the tendency by government officials to throw about health concerns like Ebola or Murburg alerts, yet tropical diseases we live with daily. Other countries usually don’t rush with alarmist reports that scare, but are measured. It’s much the same with security agencies who when they detect or arrest suspects in criminality, in order to attract relevance, or funding, often classify the as ‘terrorism’ which provide fertile to western diplomatic missions to issue negative advisories to potential tourists or investors. By failing to fund its communication, government has surrendered the media spectrum across the country to disinformation, misinformation and fakes, mostly to people with malicious intent. Over the last three years, opposition surrogates have mounted a sustained negative propaganda to paint Uganda black to domestica and foreign unsuspecting audiences. As a result, government’s media and communication strategy to debate and persuasively explain, an otherwise well-intentioned, but poorly packaged policies like the anti-homosexuality, or land issues have run into unnecessary troubles. It’s my view, that government must realise the critical role proactive and effective communication plays in today’s world.

By Ofwono Opondo
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12 October 2024

GEN. MUHOOZI KAINERUGABA, SOCIAL MEDIA AND THE LOCKER ROOM BANTER

In 2000, when Maj. Gen. Abubaker Jeje Odongo was handing over as Army Commander to incoming Maj. Gen. James Kazini, Odongo quipped “As the monkey climbs higher, the more it exposes its bare backside. Goodluck.” Journalists present, laughed heartly. Kazini had been a good soldier and officer but would run into many troubles especially his escapades in the DRC, later convicted over creating ghost soldiers in UPDF, sacked as army commander, and died at the hands of a mistress Lydia Draru who confessed in court to murdering him during a domestic brawl. Those are many years passed, and not the era of social media of freewheeler commentary by senior army officers. Elly Tumwine (RIP), Salim Saleh (Caleb Akandwanaho), Greg Mugisha Muntu, Jeje Odongo, and Aronda Nyakairima, as army Commanders, now Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) were never in the media. It was Kazin and a measured Aronda who first made media commentaries to update the public on multiple war fronts in DRC, Sudan and internal rebellion at the time, which many appreciate to-date. We came in peace, as CDF Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba again finds himself the subject of derisive locker-room banters for his X, (formerly twitter) postings, probably honest, but coming off as an unhelpful bravado, and miscommunication on sensitive diplomatic foreign relations. This, and many previous such postings leave many in stitches, and senior government officials not knowing how to navigate except to just play themselves fools. US Ambassadors in Uganda have had a track record of meddling in our internal political affairs, especially on elections matters, and William W. Popp is no exception, who should be appropriately rebuked, and for sure, like his predecessors, will not win through arrogance or mischief. When Muhoozi announced on X, that he had quit the UPDF, many were shocked, but he quickly retracted saying he only wanted to gain a million traction. Then, he posted that the UPDF could overrun Kenyan capital Nairobi within two weeks. A joke many said went too far, which caused quite unease and diplomatic embarrassment in what President Yoweri Museveni later issued a public clarification. And there have been quite a number of similar tirades on his X handle, among them the claim that God, and his mother, had ordained him a future president of Uganda, and a recent one vowing that no civilian, but only a military or police officer would come after President Museveni. Having joined the UPDF, where many are ready to pay the ultimate price, and known for its strict conscious discipline, and has climbed ranks through professional trainings and active-duty deployment including combat, many in the public have high expectations of Muhoozi, but could begin to feel let down, although won’t say so publicly. As the son of Yoweri Museveni, an accomplished revolutionary, liberator, and now president of Uganda for thirty-eight years and still counting on a popular vote and mandate, Muhoozo has a higher burden to carry, and needs to pick his fights properly. UPDF commanders Elly Tumwine, Saleh, Muntu, Odongo, and Aronda, went through the toughest episodes of the controversial anti-insurgency war policy they executed between 1986 until 2006 when armed rebellions were finally neutralised. Counter-insurgency measures often involved horrendous human rights abuses of highhandedness, arrests and prolonged detentions without trial, and in some cases summary executions, and unexplained deaths, but top officers were never personally singled out because the mistakes were often occasioned by poor command and control, unprofessional conduct and lack of proper logistics unlike today. Many Ugandans come in peace and goodwill, to offer unsolicited but candid advise to Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, which he is at liberty to ignore, but ought to know that when he loses, many Ugandans could lose too with him, and probably Uganda itself.

By Ofwono Ofondo
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07 October 2024

UGANDA STEADILY DEFIES LOCAL MEDIA AND POLITICAL PROPAGANDA

Two decades ago during Joseph Kony’s atrocious war in Northern Uganda especially in Acholi subregion, local politicians, a few media houses, their Ugandan journalists, editors, and columnists made quite a name upon which many built profiles that hold on to-date. It was fashionable then to fabricate a completely false story and get away with, after all, instant fact-check, using telephone and google like today were not available. But twice, luck ran out when a prominent media house published two salacious stories one being a woman, Candida Lakony who peddled a false photograph showing men in military fatigue shaving off a woman’s public, she claimed was herself as a victim at the hands of UPDF 4th Division Infantry soldiers. The second story claimed that Kony had gunned down a UPDF helicopter gunship in Kitgum whose wreckage the publication failed to show as proof. Recent data in the Background to the 2024/25 Budget indicates that Uganda’s life expectancy has climbed from 63 to 68 years defying local political and media fact-naysayers. The data, adds to other glowing cumulative achievements of the past thirty-eight years under NRM, among them also is the steady decline in infant and maternal mortality, increase in accessibility to clean water and energy, increased literacy, and student enrollments at all levels of education. The rate and rise of gender parity between male and female are impressive, and bearing the overall desired results across sectors. And, Uganda has now entered the status of a Developing country from Least Developed, although yet to be confirmed by the World Bank if we maintain and consolidate the progress. Our investment portfolio for both domestic and Foreign Direct Investors, trade with our regional neighbours, COMESA, AfCFTA and indeed with major world players China, European Union and the Arab world all indicate an upward trajectory. The fifth columnists, NUP leaders and their surrogates, copying Kizza Besigye have in the last many decades decampaigned Uganda by promoting untenable propaganda through direct personal efforts and negative media narratives that Uganda is not a good place for democracy, governance, rule of law, investments, tourism and residency. NUP and Besigye’s FDC faction never leave western capitals where they believe to have built a network of gullible purveyors of their disinformation against Uganda often asking foreigners not to associate with its government under President Yoweri Museveni, prompting some, western Capitals to slap sanctions, but Uganda straddles on. ,. There have been a few particular media houses especially under their columnists now writing for decades, who have never seen anything good and positive, let alone promising under, President Museveni. In fact, one would even be right to say that they make a daily living solely out of hate-mongering President Museveni and those seen to be close to his administration. Yet for three decades between 1966 and 1996, Uganda was a net exporter of its citizens, high and low as refugees, near and yonder, mainly to Zaire now DRC, Sudan, Kenya, apartheid Southern African states, and Western Europe, Canada and US. Today, on account of national security, peace, and stability, not only have Ugandans returned, settled and invested, Uganda is host to over 1.5 million refugees. Majority of the refugees in Uganda are DRC, S. Sudan, Sudan, Eritrea, Somalia, Ethiopia Burundi and Rwanda, and not very long-ago Afghanistan. And Uganda’s national renaissance and steady continuous progress is going regardless the heavy assault by opposition politicians accompanied by negative media especially pseudo analysts writing invective columns day in, day out without any iota of professional embarrassments that much of their bad-mouthing have come to pass. Uganda has conducted the last six presidential, parliamentary and local government elections, built its security services especially the UPDF, Internal Security and External Security Organisations almost from scratch without much direct western donor funding.

By Ofwono Opondo
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21 September 2024

PRESIDENT MUSEVENI AT 80; STILL AN ENIGMA FEW UNDERSTAND WELL

If President Yoweri Tibuhaburwa Kaguta Museveni was a book, this week’s 80th birthday celebration was a well-deserved small part of life journey of a rural herds boy from a nomadic community, rebellious student activist which led him to a violent collision course with history spanning sixty years on active duty. A big Congratulation Mr. President for a journey still well on course. I missed the dinner at Kawumu presidential rural retreat lodge, in Nakaseke district, part of greater Luwero Triangle the theatre of the resistance war. However, I guess it was on purpose as a remembrance of where the NRM revolution publicly began 43 years ago and rekindle a new journey of the last chapter under President Museveni. Most Ugandans wish the president longer blissful life, but certainly five years from now, age would have taken a good toll on his physical energy, and so he and us must prepare. We must also consolidate the many achievements of his life’s time and efforts. For surviving the shootout skirmishes with Idi Amin’s operatives in Kyambogo university, 1972, Atiak, Mbale, Mayuge, the many cat and mouse run-ins around Kampala, and the extended war of liberation from Tanzania to Kampala that ousted Amin, Hajji Kassim deserves bouquets. Then came the internal fights within the UNLA which Museveni didn’t duck, but took them heads-on, and won many battles before taking to the bush for the second time when he was outfoxed by UPC at the 1980 elections. After winning the protracted people’s war 1981-86, there has been a revolution and new promising Uganda in which Museveni has been the central figure, almost having unfettered hands, and some people say derisively that he habours a sinister desire to make an empire. A self-bred soldier of patriotism, Museveni has been ruthless with enemies but also a law giver perhaps the greatest so far in our times whose eyes compare well with that of hawk scotching up adversaries as if by fire. And, he has been on that order of political genius which transcended most rules, maneuvering with several rival camps, mischievous favourites, internal malcontents, and armed adversaries many of whom have capitulated and joined him, abandoned their own lost, and sometimes bad causes, or met natural death. We shall today out of good manners leave those still living to enjoy their quiet peace and perks. The most well-known among the dead undoubtedly include Milton Obote, Amin, John Martin Ogole, Bazillion Okello, Peter Otai, and Aggrey Awori. The Mengo reactionary traditionalists have been a pain, but Museveni is handling them with an even hand. In the 38 years of leadership, Museveni has pulled Uganda from the abyss although today because of the tranquility, social stability, rising prosperity and economic opportunities, some Ugandans seem to take all of it for granted, and as self-evident. Holding and leading the bright banner of NRM, Museveni has six democratic elections under his belt with massive parliamentary and local government seats any leader would wish, for which he deserves another bundle of bright flowers. While there are thousands of 80-year olds who celebrate their birthdays, mainly for just knocking down scores of years, Museveni, has by public policy, law and practice, by the 80th caused the lifting of millions from obscurity, evidence of which are the relative successes in education, health, social, economic and political mobility seen in cabinet, parliament, judiciary, civil service, security services, and an emerging thriving private sector. Clearly, over his 80 years, it is not an over statement to say that President Museveni has been, probably still is, an enigma, few understand well. The naïve political schemers hovering in the horizon better hold back because it might as well be the start of another chapter. AllutaAluta Continua Mzee Wa Kazi.

Ofwono Opondo
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